It would seem self-evident that small companies would not be
competitive in a
knowledge-intensive industry that is highly globalized.1 Small
firms, by
definition, have limited resources and capabilities and thus are
unlikely to possess
substantial ownership advantages. They also have a limited
capacity to influence
and shape the development of markets, market structure, and
technological
change. One would thus expect SMEs to be ill-equipped to compete
in an
industry that requires a broad range of fairly demanding
technological and
The disadvantages of small size for firms are compounded if they
come from small
countries. Small nations are confronted with four types of
size-related
disadvantages:2 (1) the small domestic market places tight
restrictions on the ability
to function as a buffer against heavy fluctuations in
international demand; (2) it
constrains the development of sophisticated “lead users”3 that
could stimulate
innovation; (3) it also limits the scope for technological
spillovers;4 and (4) the
limited size of the national knowledge and capital base restricts
the choice of
industries in which such small nations might successfully
specialize.
Taiwan’s experience, however, tells a different story: SMEs have
been the main
carriers of its rapid development. Despite the dominance of SMEs,
Taiwan today
has the most broadly based computer industry in Asia outside of
Japan. The
country has diversified beyond core PC-related products into a
variety of related
high-growth market segments; it has improved its domestic
production capabilities
for a number of high value-added components; and it has been able
to move
beyond manufacturing into a range of higher end support services.
This article inquires into how this was possible. Its message can
be
summarized by paraphrasing John Stopford (1996), “innovations in
strategy and
organization can change the ‘rules of competition’ and overturn
many scale
advantages to permit David to grow in the shadow of Goliath.” I
argue that two
factors have been critical for this outcome: active, yet selective
and continuously
adjusted industrial development policies; and a variety of
networking linkages
with large firms, both domestic and foreign. I show how government
policies
facilitated the initial market entry of SMEs and were adjusted
over time to
promote continual upgrading and adjustment. Industrial development
policies on
their own, however, are insufficient to explain Taiwan’s success.
Taiwanese computer companies also benefited from the specific form
of the
production networks they created. These offer a variety of
linkages that facilitate
learning and capability formation. Such linkages include strong
ties with large
Taiwanese business groups, foreign sales and manufacturing
affiliates and an early
participation in international production networks (IPNs)
established by foreign
electronics companies. By and large, these features that sustain
Taiwanese leadership
in many segments of industrial electronics have been little
altered by the Asia
crisis. If anything, the crisis has reinforced Taiwanese
advantage: benefiting from a
domestic economy least affected by the region’s economic problems,
Taiwanese
firms have invested aggressively to enhance their regional
position and expand the
scope and capability of their production networks.
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